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By Peter King

Peter King exhibits how the arguments in favour of principal and native govt keep watch over of so-called social housing don't withstand shut scrutiny. certainly, the coverage of the present govt might be useless in pursuing the government's personal goals. in its place, Peter King indicates how directing subsidies throughout the shoppers of housing can in achieving greater housing with no political regulate.

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I believe that a ‘fourth option’ will eventually have to be offered, but the government will seek to delay this until such time as only the ‘basket case’ authorities remain. The effect of the use of private finance has been, and will be, significant. But policy since 1989 is actually based on something of a myth. Successive governments have argued that using private finance has introduced commercial disciplines. Social landlords, 87 choice and the end of social housing it is said, need to operate as businesses rather than as welfare bodies.

Hence the significance of the ODPM’s insistence that 60 per cent of new development should employ ‘innovative’ building techniques rather than allowing social landlords to develop in the manner they see fit. More than any other, this policy shows that social housing has been ‘nationalised’, so that government feels that it can determine the allocation of resources and target them as it sees fit. This has an important consequence in that housing policy has shifted from being uniform and consistent across the country (albeit with diversity of tenure patterns, rents and access opportunities) to being national, in a different way: it is no longer consistent across the country, but it is directed from the centre to meet particular targets and aims based on national strategies.

One of the principles of the Thatcherite philosophy that dominated government in the 76 current policies 1980s was the need to limit and control the role of intermediate institutions dominated by the professions and trade unions. This was because these bodies were seen as forming a barrier between the state and its subjects (Devigne, 1994). Instead of seeing institutions such as local authorities as playing a positive role in the development of policy, the Conservative governments saw them as one of the causes of Britain’s post-war economic and political decline.

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